Constitution for Inclusive Policies

September 29, 2011 00:18 IST | Updated: September 29, 2011 00:21 IST

There is nothing in the Constitution which bars identification of beneficiaries of public programmes based on religion. Of late, there has been a debate on whether public programmes such as school education, scholarships, health-care
delivery and access to microcredit can be targeted at beneficiaries based on religion; some consider this ‘unconstitutional' and argue that it amounts to discrimination. I highlight the constitutional provisions and argue that there is nothing in the Constitution which bars identification of beneficiaries based on religion. Religious identity is listed on a par with race, caste, sex and place of origin, all in the same line, and these other traits are used to identify beneficiaries.

The Constitution, resolves to secure to all citizens .... ‘equality of status and of opportunity,' and directs the government to be proactive to ensure equal opportunity. Equality, equal access and equal opportunity concepts are elaborated in Articles 14 (right to equality), 15 (access to education) and 16 (public employment). The ‘... state shall not discriminate.... on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth ....' . Clause (4) of Article 15, states, “Nothing .... shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes.” Interestingly, ‘socially and economically backward classes (SEBC)' precedes mention of the SCs and the STs. Clause (5) directs the state to make a special provision by law for the advancement of the ‘socially and educationally backward classes' ..... through admission to educational institutions including private, aided or unaided.

Article 16 provides for equal opportunity in government employment, and cautions the state not to discriminate on the grounds of religion, race, etc..; and clause (4) provides for making provisions for reservation of appointments in favour of ‘any backward class' which .... in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in the services under the state. Thus, the onus of identifying a ‘backward group/class' rests with the state. All explanations of Articles 14, 15 and 16 emphasise that the group classifications should not be arbitrary, must be
compatible with the ‘objective of classification' and pre-existing inequality should not be ignored. Therefore, any group of citizens (not arbitrarily formulated), including those named in the Constitution, namely religion, race, caste,
sex, descent, and place of birth/residence should form the basis for backwardness. Backwardness can also be assessed based on occupation, workplace, age, language, etc., which are not arbitrary in nature.

The state is directed by the Constitution “to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice, social, economic and political, shall inform all the institutions of the national life” [Article 38(1)]. An amendment in 1976 states “The state shall, in particular, strive to minimise the inequalities in income, and endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities, not only amongst individuals but also amongst groups of people residing in different areas or engaged in different vocations [Article 38(2)].”Generally, the government collects and collates data for the SCs and STs; for example, to measure levels of literacy and higher education, share in state employment, etc. Similarly, multidimensional gender discrimination and regional disparities reflected from the ‘place of birth/origin/residence' are measured. One fails to understand, therefore, as to why an assessment based on ‘religion' is taboo. Therefore, the public policy view that religious comparisons in the levels of achievement in development indicators are ‘unconstitutional' appears due to a lack of understanding of the spirit and intentions of the Constitution. Religion in India is a dominant social identity next only to sex and caste and therefore, it cannot be singularly sidelined or ignored. Further, religious identity lends itself to a double whammy. Studies show unacceptably large compounding effects of sex, age and regional discrimination interacting with those linked to religion. Muslim and Dalit women (children)living in less developed States are the most excluded of all types of socio-religious groups in India.

Empirical evidence is essential to developmental knowledge. It is reassuring that modern empirical and econometric methodologies accurately estimate and identify the characteristics of backwardness. Caste and religion stand out as dominant social identities of backwardness along with occupation (source of household income), residential and regional identities. Empirical analysis of process indicators (literacy, higher level education, formal employment, access to banking and credit, political participation, etc.) according to religious communities excluding Hindus,
confirm Muslim placement below the line of average. If the SCs/STs are singled out and compared with religious groups, one finds Muslims in most of the measures about the same or even lower. With adjustments for initial conditions, the conditions of Muslims relative to the SCs/STs have worsened over the years. Such evidence suggests
that policies and programmes of the national and State governments are less accessible to Muslims, to the extent that they can be labelled as discriminatory.
Applying the standards set by the Constitution, one can argue the existence of a systemic bias based on religion. The only way to eliminate such bias is to ensure equal opportunity and access to programmes which generate benefits proportional to the size of the population. Naming programmes specific to the deprived community even if has to be done by caste and religious identity must be the public choice. It is clear that there is no catch-22 situation as has often been made out to be and it is not even ‘unconstitutional.' Since the Constitution grants the state the responsibility of identifying ‘backward communities,' it is the bounden duty of the national and State governments to bring the caste and religious communities facing exclusion especially the Muslims, into the fold of mainstream policies and programmes as recommended by the Sachar Committee report. Note that Article 25, while setting the parameters of the right to freedom of religion, has named selected religions to bring a certain degree of clarity as to what constitute the Hindus; and this Article does not preclude naming Muslims and Christians (two large religious communities) in public documents and legal enactments.

(The writer is with the Centre for Research and Debates in Development Policy, New Delhi. He was Member-Secretary, ‘Prime Minister's High Level Committee on Muslims in India' — 2005-06, and Adviser, ‘National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution' — 2001-02.)

Economic Times: Primitive tribes: Away from development

ECONOMIC TIMES | NEW DELHI

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/guest-writer/primitive-tribes-away-from-development/articleshow/10086609.cms

23 SEP, 2011, 07.14AM IST, ABUSALEH SHARIFF,
Primitive tribes: Away from development

About 9% of the country's population comprises scheduled tribes, with over 700 communities, of which 75 are 'primitive tribal groups'. Yet, we found on a number of field trips to Andhra Pradesh, conditions among scheduled and primitive tribes differ according to policy whims, and little else.

In a village in Vijanagaram district, we found two distinct tribes living side by side: Kondavara, a scheduled tribe, and Savara, a primitive tribe. The Kondavara reported some cultivation rights over half an acre to three acres of rain-fed land on hilly terrain but with no clear land title. But all 81 households were covered under the NREGS with Rs 100 as wage, and worked on land improvement on their plantations cooperatively. They worked for wages in the nearby plains and participated in market exchange.

The Savara, being a 'primitive tribe', were under the Integrated Tribal Development Authority (ITDA). They were provided with employment on daily fixed wages to work in the forest, but only for a few days in a year. According to the Savaras, the NREGS wages offered worked out to less than Rs 20 per day and they were disillusioned with that.

The private wage this community got in the village was as low as Rs 70 for men and Rs 40 for women. They reared small ruminants and cattle. Savaras rarely travelled to other areas and their marriage linkages were found to be within a 10-km range amongst their own tribe. Although some land on the hills was assigned to them, they did not report clear ownership and the land could not support cereals. The scheduled tribe also occupied better, plain terrain for their homes. The primitive tribals lived on rocky hill slopes in rudimentary dwellings.

Exactly opposite trends were noted on a visit to a tribal village cluster in Prakasam district, a resettlement of the primitive Chenchus, Yerakala and Sugali, and to another cluster of non-primitive communities. The ITDA could provide one acre of land to about half of the resettled primitive families and also semi-finished single-room residential quarters, but without kitchen and toilet.

The resettlement had drinking water and electricity. Men undertook bamboo-cutting and honey collection under government programmes, women also collected minor forest produce like medicinal herbs and roots. This settlement was serviced by a Girjan Society that purchased the forest produce for a given price, and were also covered under the public distribution system. We also found girls and boys educated and trained to become teachers, but with without any jobs. The neighbouring settlement was occupied by non-primitive inhabitants living there for long. This was bereft of facilities and services available to the resettlement. Women here were not allowed to collect the minor forest produce, therefore they made baskets.

The men got some bamboo on the sly from the forest. Many were in police custody for having done so. Neither state agencies nor the ITDA had covered this settlement for the provisioning of welfare schemes, and programmes like NREGS and SHGs were absent. To my understanding, this bunch of 23 households lived a highly-vulnerable and deprived life.

In the first example, primitive tribes were found to be extremely vulnerable compared to non-primitive groups. In the second case, it was the non-primitive group that was found to be on the verge of penury.

This is due to shortcomings in policy implementation. How, why and who make these differentiations between the communities and for what purpose is not very clear. However, in the first example, the freedom and choice that the non-primitive group had, to travel and visit the plains for work and market had empowered them.

In the second example, since the primitive groups were resettled from within the forest, they were showered with benefits, while the original dwellers in the same location were left to fend for themselves. Overall, the ST areas suffer from a lack of services like education, health and employment. Even tribal hostels for girls did not have running water and adolescent girls were seen using brooks and streams nearby for bathing and washing.

While qualified girls and boys belonging to primitive tribes remain unemployed, all government functionaries including teachers were nontribals, commuting from the plains to work. They were seen travelling daily to work on modern motorcycles. It was also found that many inaccessible locations are bereft of institutions and personnel.

These are areas covered under the 'Schedule 5' policy established in 1950, directly overseen by the Governor of the state with the help of 'tribal advisory councils'. The tribals are easy to identify and live in clusters of their own and policies to effect group equity should be easy to implement.

But the reality is otherwise. The government seems to be running an enterprise with bonded primitive tribal groups that can be subject to 'bonded labour laws'. It also appears that in the name of protecting these communities, opportunities are denied for them to access the fruits of modern development.

(The author is chief economist at the National Council of Applied Economic Research. Views are personal)

Indian Express | Muslims now worse off

Seema Chishti Posted online: Thu Sep 08 2011, 03:18 hrs
New Delhi : Dr Abu Saleh Shariff is an angry man these days. The economist and former member-secretary of the Prime Minister’s high-level committee on social, educational and economic status of Muslims, which submitted its report five years ago, is annoyed that the government has squandered opportunities provided by Justice Rajinder Sachar Report and not put in place a proper assessment and monitoring system.
He claims to have written to the PM and the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission last month on issues ignored by the Centre.

An independent study conducted by Shariff is set to reveal next month that on certain crucial variables Muslims are “worse off compared to other social groups”.

“This holds true for a very key factor like school enrolment ratios. While the number of children in school has gone up for all communities, for Muslims the figure is worryingly lower than when we gave the Sachar report.”

Shariff has been excluded from the Planning Commission’s committee for assessment and monitoring (reconstituted in the year 2010 and headed jointly by Syeda Hameed and Narendra Jadhav).

The previous assessment and monitoring committee had Shariff and M A Basith, both members of the Sachar Committee, on board.

The new committee, says Shariff, “has no one competent to take on the government data and ask questions”.

Reacting to Shariff’s complaints that he has been “unceremoniously” shown the door, Syeda Hameed said: “The changes were made last year and we have met thrice since then. We sent out thank-you letters to all outgoing members.” But Shariff denies this.

Economic Times

Economic Times | New Delhi | 6 SEP, 2011, 04.42AM IST, ABANTIKA GHOSH,TNN
PM urged to review Sachar panel's recommendations

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/pm-urged-to-review-sachar-panels-recommendations/articleshow/9878361.cms

NEW DELHI: Having been "unceremoniously" removed from the assessment and monitoring authority of the Planning Commission, Abusaleh Shariff, member secretary of the Sachar Committee, has drawn Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's attention to review the Sachar recommendations. The path-breaking report on the state of Muslims in the country was submitted about five years ago.

A miffed Shariff said the authority met only thrice in four years, did not consider implementing the report and has been bereft of any independent technical person despite the recent revamp.

Shariff's note to the PM was sent about 10 days ago. He has since met Planning Commission deputy chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia to discuss the note's content.

Of late, there have been many indictments of mode of implementation of the Sachar report. The parliamentary standing committee on social justice and employment too had found fault with it, and had said that the ministry of minority affairs was not addressing the root of the problems highlighted in the report. It had suggested that the government should bring a law to ensure time-bound implementation.

Sachar member Rakesh Basant had written an article faulting the implementation as had Harsh Mander of the centre for equity studies. Mander had said the government shied away form branding schemes for the Muslims fearing BJP's appeasement slur, but in the process was blunting its intent. The UPA-II had dismissed Mander's report as riddled with factual inaccuracies.

Shariff's note highlighted the government's reluctance in setting up the equal opportunity commission (EOC), estimate share of flows to minority beneficiaries in major flagship programmes with separate data for Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Zoroastrians and measure diversity in public institutes of excellence like IIM, IIT, AIIMS etc. Shariff has pointed out that banking and credit, community based polytechnics and enrolment and school continuation are the sectors that are in dire need of assessment and monitoring.

"Most alarming is that the overall shares of Muslims in matric and higher education have improved the least compared with all socio-religious categories between 2004-05 and 2009-10. This has happened along with the lowest base level for Muslims compared with other communities. Urban areas where relatively larger percentage of Muslims lives, the share in higher education has declined during this period," the note says.

Shariff says that in the last two years he wrote several times to the ministry of minority affairs highlighting these issues and the need for a review. "That did not yield any results, which is why I was forced to take the issue up with the Prime Minister and the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission," he says.

On the reconstitution of the Planning Commission body, he says: "I was summarily removed from the assessment and monitoring authority without my knowledge. The authority, which was supposed to monitor implementation of the Sachar recommendations, did not initiate any noteworthy action in the four years that it was in existence. Absence of an independent technical person will seriously impede its working."

Planning Commission member Syeda Hameed is the chairperson of the 29-member authority which, apart from secretaries in various ministries, includes Dr Yogendra Yadav, Soli Sorabjee, Shabnam Hashmi, Akhtarul Wassey etc.

Suggested Amendments to the Communal Violance Bill

A CRITICAL NOTE ON SECTION 20 OF
THE COMMUNAL & TARGETTED VIOLENCE (PREVENTION Etc.,)DRAFT BILL

http://www.nac.nic.in/communal/com_bill.htm

Section 20 of the Bill sets the rules to set up and constitute a National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation so as to exercise the powers and perform the functions assigned to it under the Act. Sub-section (3) of Section 20 specifies:

20(3): “The National Authority shall consist of a Chairperson, a Vice Chairman and five other members.

Provided that, at all times, not less than four members, including the Chairperson and Vice Chairperson, shall belong to a group as defined under this Act.

Provided further that, at all times, there shall be:

1. One member belonging to Scheduled caste/Scheduled tribes;
2. Four women, whether Chairperson, Vice Chairperson or member;

Provided further that, at all times, one woman, whether Chairperson, Vice Chairperson or member, shall belong to a religious or linguistic minority.

Provided further that, all times, not more than two members, including the Chairperson and Vice Chairperson, shall be retired public servants.”


From the above provisions, it is clear that out of seven members; only one member shall belong to the religious or linguistic minority. Thus, the very constitution of the National Authority is lopsided and imbalanced. Past experiences show that religious minorities like Muslims, Christians and Sikhs have been the victims of the communal and targeted violence. Linguistic minorities have hardly faced communal and targeted violence excepting a few incidences in the southern parts of India. Moreover, linguistic minorities have been identified on the basis of their distinct language and on regional basis.

Though not mentioned, but this ACT is being enacted to protect religious minorities especially the three named above from the wrath of communal violence; but it is surprising that their representation in the National Authority has not been assured. In effect there can be a situation under the current provisions, that none of the seven members belong to any of the major religious minorities such as the Muslims, the Christians and the Sikhs.

It is appropriate to mention that while this law should primarily be meant for the protection of religious minorities, yet there is merit in having representatives from the SCs/STs communities.

However, to remove the anomaly currently inherent in Section 20 of the draft ACT the following suggestion must be incorporated:

Suggestion: In order to make the National Authority a representative and effective body, it is necessary to give due representation to main religious minorities, viz, the Muslims, the Christians and the Sikhs. Section 20 (3) may therefore be amended accordingly to the effect the Muslim, the Christian and the Sikh community is represented with at least one member each on the National Authority. Any of such members can also hold the position as chairperson and as vice chairperson. Such representatives from the minority religious groups must be a woman at least during the alternate functional period of the National Authority.

A Note to the Prime Minister - Post Sachar Policies

Disappointing Implementation and Monitoring of the
Post-Sachar Inclusive Policies and Programs in India

It is about five years that Sachar Committee report was submitted to the Prime Minister of India and subsequently to the Parliament. The government made a number of announcements during this period about exclusive implementation of policies and programs, such as the PM’s 15 point programs and minority concentration district programs. However, it must be stated that no credible and methodologically sound study have been sponsored or undertaken so as to evaluate and assess the above cited initiatives. Besides, the main philosophy of the Sachar report was to enable minorities including the Muslims find their place in accordance to their population (eligible groups) shares in the nation’s flagship programs and programs aimed to enhance, education and employment; and improve income earning opportunities including access to credit and markets and other poverty alleviation programs.

In this regard, I wish to highlight a few critical issues so that the government and policy makers initiate measures to address the lacuna and strengthen enabling environment for inclusive participation in development of India.

• Estimate share of flows to minority beneficiary in major flagship programs. Specify data and information for each of the minorities separately, for example for Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhist and Zoroastrians.

• Measure Diversity in public Spaces- including institutions of higher learning such as universities, IIMs, IITs, AIIMS and so on. Put up a mechanism for each state separately.

• Most alarming is that the Overall shares of Muslims in matric and higher education has improved the least compared with all socio-religious categories between 2004-5 and 2009-10 (see table below). This has happened along with the lowest base level for Muslims compared with other communities. In fact in urban areas where relatively larger percentage of Muslims lives, the share in higher education has in fact declined during this period.

• Review improvement in diversity in public employment across all states, on an annual basis.

• Establish a credible Data Bank which share processed data for easy use by the people at large. Currently only raw data are loaded on NSSO ‘website data bank’ which is not easy to use by the concerned stakeholders.

• The ‘Assessment and Monitoring Agency’ under the Planning Commission must contain technical experts in data management and analytical methods; and academics along with civil society. The revamped AMA has no representation from independent technical and academic communities which must be set right.

• The government is backtracking the establishment of an equal opportunity commission (EOC). All major democracies, especially the developed ones have instituted the EOC with great results and high level of people’s satisfaction.

• The government must also make policy statements as to how the ongoing Caste Census will benefit or will it adversely affect the welfare and affirmative action policies for Muslims and other minorities.

• On the lines of the Andhra Pradesh (2006), amend the panchayati raj act so as to make it mandatory that at least two minorities (including Muslims) are co-opted in the panchayats and municipalities across India (refer Sachar report, page 188).

• Sponsor research studies to evaluate the Minority Concentrated District Program of the MMA. There has been no effort to invite academic institutions to undertake this activity. The civil society alone is not well equipped to undertaken this very difficult task.


 
Urgent attention is drawn to undertake Assessment and Monitoring in the following areas:

Enrolments and School Continuation: Special Tabulations from the Census data for district level estimates of literacy and school enrolments by religion and rural - urban residence. Introduce Computer education in all elementary schools. Human Resources Ministry GOI has not written a single word on as to how and what policies were initiated so as to improve the school enrolment of the Minority/Muslims community in India. On higher education, the MHRD has not a single word as to how it intends to improve access; through what kind of affirmative actions or through the OBC reservations or otherwise.

Undertake Occupation Based programs: In collaboration with Ministries dealing with: Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises (MSME); Employment and Labour | Minimum Wage Act | Child and bonded labour. SIDBI organizes programs for skill development under the MSME Act.

List of business and occupations which deserves immediate attention: Zari, Beedi, Muri, Leather, Garments, Brick kiln, Recycling, Chemicals, Lower mechanical, Foundry and lath machines, Blacksmith and Iron works, Sericulture and Silk extraction, Handicrafts, Wood work and Carpentry. (more such business can be identified using the NSSO 3 digit occupation and 4 digit enterprise codes)

Banking & Credit: Access to bank credit and mass micro-credit programs – RBI. Analyse data compiled by the “State Level Banker’s Committee” for each states of India. These data a compiled according to religion every year and the convener of this committee who generally is the lead bank in a state would maintain these data. The Priority Sector Advances available to be assigned to minorities is Rs. 128382 crores for the year 2010-11. This is 13% of all PSA and the PSA itself is benchmarked to be about 40% of all annual bank credit. The lending to the minorities is mandated to be proportional to their share in population of the region/state/district. Overall at the all India level the proportion is set to be 15%. Thus this source of credit is a growing pool of bank finance available to the minorities under the 15 point program of the GOI. Banks are also mandated to organize entrepreneurial development programs as well. But currently these data are not made public and not analysed to find out the extent of access of bank credit to religious minorities.

Community Based Polytechnics: Community Polytechnic Scheme is run by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India. This is wing attached to the regular polytechnics under direct central assistance scheme. Hardly any review has been done as to how this program is benefiting the masses. This scheme has huge potential to skill development and re-skilling layoff-labour.

Behind Bars

Illegal Police Action and Arrests of Innocent Citizens
New Delhi | August 4, 2011

During the last five years or so there are a number of events of organized killings, which no sensible Indian citizen will like their recurrence. Some events have become spectacular due to police firing and associated killings as well. In the following is an indicative list of such events since 2006.
1. 8 September 2006 | Malegaon
2. 19 February 2007 | Samjhota Exp:
3. May 18, 2007 | Makkah Masjid: Hyderabad
4. 23 November 2007 | Lucknow, Varanasi and Faizabad
5. 11 October 2007 | The Ajmir Dargah
6. 19 September 2008 | Batla House, Delhi
7. 29 September 2008 | Malegaon
8. 29 September 2008 | Gujarat
9. Multiple Dates |Ahmadabad
10. Multiple Dates | Bombay
11. 17 April 2010 | Bangalore

It is also important to state that on all the above cited situations, and also on any similar occasion, the police normally rounds-off and arrest a large number of men / boys from the Muslim neighbourhood and on some occasions from all over the state. Often the boys arrested are minors or less than 20 years of age. Such arrests occur almost instantaneously after the episode, with hardly any direct evidence that the boys / men were involved in organized crime.

Further, the problem becomes severe as most of those arrested generally belong to poor and marginalized households and on most of the occasions they cannot arrange for surety and costs to secure a ‘police bail’ or a ‘court bail’. Under such circumstances a large number those arrested are still languishing in jails all over India. But most important point to make is that practically all those arrested have also found not guilty during the police enquiry but still they are not granted bail, as getting bail in India is not easy and costs money.

However, this note is prepared to request the citizens and patriots of India that there is a need to:

1. Restrain arrests of people as a routine, with no direct evidence of involvement in heinous and organized crimes, such as those listed above.

2. That there should be a mechanism to grating of bails within a reasonable time after such arrests and such bails should be free of cost.

3. To promote police - people interaction, build mutual trust and support; as a regular feature in all parts of India, but especially in the hot spots so that the real perpetrators of organized crime are brought to books and the innocent citizens are left alone.




There is therefore an urgent need to collect and collate information surrounding the above listed events. There is need to prepare state wise lists of all those arrested in the aftermath of organized crimes, and those who are still languishing in lockups and jails, those who qualify for bails by still not released due to want of surety and unaffordability to bear the costs of bails. Information thus collected can be used to highlight the size and severity, and pain and anguish faced by such people and respective families and dependents.

This proposal is to undertake the following tasks:

1. Demand to constitute a ‘commission of enquiry’ by the national government.

2. File Public Interest Litigation with the Supreme Court of India.

3. Motivate the Human Rights Activists to initiate appropriate activities in the local areas.

4. Motivate lawyers, legal community and civil society to lend an ear for such issues in future.


The immediate task is to collect the necessary information and data base so as to put forth a PIL in the Supreme Court. Dedicated persons in each of the concerned states / cities will facilitate collecting and collating of required information to build up our case to seek the reliefs listed above. Once the needed data and information is with us, it will be used to put-up a case through the help of some committed layers in Delhi and file a Public Interest Litigation. We can also reach out to the highest level political decision makers to press for the constitution of a ‘commission of enquiry’ by the national government so as to get into the roots of the issues enunciated above.

Talking Points with MMA

The following issues were raised during a scheduled meeting at the Ministry of Minority Affairs held on 7th July 2011

Enrolments and School Continuation: jointly with Ministry of Human Resources. Special Tabulations from the Census data for district level estimates of literacy and school enrolments by religion and rural – urban residence. Introduce Computer education in all elementary schools. Human Resources Ministry GOI has not a single word on as to how and what policies were initiated so as to improve the school enrolment of the Minority/Muslims community in India. On higher education, the MHRD has not a single word as to how it intends to improve access through the OBC reservations or otherwise.

Occupation Based programs: In collaboration with Ministries dealing with: Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises (MSME); Employment and Labour | Minimum Wage Act | Child and bonded labour. SIDBI organizes programs for skill development under the MSME Act.

Zari, Beedi, Muri, Leather, Garments, Brick kiln, Recycling, Chemicals, Lower mechanical, Foundry and lath machines, Blacksmith and Iron works, Sericulture and Silk extraction, Handicrafts, Wood work and Carpentry.

Banking & Credit: Credit Access to bank credit and mass micro-credit programs – RBI. Analysis data compiled by the “State Level Banker’s Committee” found in each of the states of India. These data a compiled according to religion every year and the convener of this committee who generally is the lead bank in a state would maintain these data. The PSA available to be assigned to minorities is Rs. 128382 crores for the year 2010-11. This is 13% of all PSA and the PSA itself is benchmarked to be about 40% of all annual bank credit. The lending to the minorities is mandated to be proportional to their share in population of the region/state/district. Overall at the all India level the proportion is set to 15%. Thus this source of credit is a growing pool of bank finance available to the minorities under the 15 point program of the GOI. Banks are also mandated to organize entrepreneurial development programs as well.

Community Based Polytechnics: Community Polytechnic Scheme is run by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, New Delhi. It is wing attached to the regular polytechnics under direct central assistance scheme. http://www.wbdtet.gov.in/cpc.htm | this scheme is under review at the moment.

• Estimate share of flows to minority beneficiary in major flagship programs
• Evaluate the Minority Concentrated District Program of the MMA
• Measure Diversity in public Spaces- put up a mechanism for each state
• Establishment of an equal opportunity commission
• Data Bank and Assessment and Monitoring Mechanism
• Policy statements on as to how Caste Census will benefit or will it adversely affect the welfare and affirmative action policies for Muslims and minorities

Sachar Controversy Continues | 1st July 2011

NDTV-INDIA http://khabar.ndtv.com/LiveVideo.aspx?id=203976

YouTube - Abusaleh Shariff reacts to Salman Khursheed's statement‏
Abusaleh Shariff reacts to Salman Khursheed's statement. twocirclesTV 622 videos . Subscribe Alert icon Subscribed. Sign In or Sign Up now ...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1CjwnI5Syx4

Sachar member hits back at Salman Khursheed, says didn’t advocate ghettoizationSubmitted by admin3 on 30 June 2011 - 6:31pm
http://twocircles.net/2011jun30/sachar_member_hits_back_salman_khursheed_says_didn%E2%80%99t_advocate_ghettoization.html
By Md. Ali, TwoCircles.net,
New Delhi: The statement made by the Minorities Affairs Minister Salman Khursheed last Saturday, calling for critical examination of Sachar report, has evoked a huge response, most of which is critical to Mr. Khursheed. Delivering a lecture, ‘Minorities of India: Issues and Challenges,’ at the Justice Basheer Ahmed Sayeed College for Women, Chennai, Mr. Khursheed had said that, “Sachar Committee Report or aspects of Sachar Committee Report need to be critically examined to ensure that it doesn’t lead to ghettoization,” said Khursheed
He had also questioned Sachar Committee Report saying that the report was not the Quran which cannot be questioned. “The recommendations of Sachar Committee Report are not divine like (the) Quran; they can be wrong also and that’s why one must approach them critically,” he reportedly said.
Abusaleh Shariff, economist and the Secretary of the Sachar Committee, has reacted strongly to the Minister’s assertion linking Sachar with the ghettoization of Muslim community and also to Khursheed’s empirical questioning of the report by talking about the possibility of the report being “wrong.”
Talking exclusively to TwoCircles.net, Shariff said, “Through the Sachar report we tried to mainstream the Muslim community. We have brought to the government’s report, that please formulate policies in such a way as to bring Muslims as part of the mainstream. Create an environment where Muslims become part of public spaces like schools, universities.”

Abusaleh Shariff
Categorically rejecting Khursheed’s view linking Sachar report with the alienation of the community, Shariff said, “Every page of Sachar Report talks about mainstreaming Muslims and now after almost five years, Salman Khursheed thinks that implementation of Sachar report will ghettoize Muslims.”
Explaining his point further Shariff said that every aspect of Sachar committee recommendation was geared towards the fact that the public action should facilitate the mainstreaming of the Muslim community.
“For instance we examined the function and role of Minority Financial Development Corporation (MFDC) and brought to the government’s notice that (MFDC) doesn’t really support the mainstreaming of the minorities. The need of the minority community can’t be met with the institution of (MFDC) because of the meager allocation. The welfare of the minorities lies in going to the nearby bank and get money from there,” added Shariff.
Shariff also criticized Khursheed’s questioning of the report because Sachar report is an empirical compendium of not only Muslims but of other comparable groups like Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes, Christians and others. The data generated by the report was from some of the best sources, most of them are government sources. Like that from banking was provided by the Reserve Bank of India.
“How can an empirical report be wrong? If some body finds an error or thinks that it is wrong, then you will have to go back, reanalyze it and show what it right. You can not use the term wrong for an empirical report,” added Shariff.
Shariff also was skeptical of the relevance of the Ministry for Minorities Affairs. He said that the welfare of Muslims is not in running behind the Minister for Minorities Affairs, Salman Khursheed. The interest of Muslims can’t be addressed by Minorities Affairs Ministry. They have to be addressed by what we call as lined departments.
“For instance the problems related to education will be solved by ministry of HRD. That’s where the money is and that is where the programmes are. Minorities Affairs Ministry doesn’t have any programme for expanding education of the community and removing the deficit through Sarv Siksha Abhiyan and other programmes,” Shariff added.
Shariff also defended Sachar’s recommendation for separate Wakf based cadre of officers because Salman Khursheed had pointed out in his clarification to TCN that the “separate Sachar’s recommendation for separate Wakf cadre is an instance of ghettoization.”
“I categorically reject Mr. Salman Khursheed’s view that the separate Wakf cadre will lead to Muslim ghettoization. We had just suggested that there can be an optional test for the officers related to the matters of Wakf qualifying which the interested officers can work for Wakf boards,” said Shariff.
What made Shariff respond strongly to Khursheed’s appeal to Muslims to be a part of mainstream, was the fact that even after five years of the Sachar report, the government has not taken any strong and concrete step to mainstream the community particularly when there is widespread discrimination against the community.
Shariff said, “The Minister has a lot to answer as to how he will eliminate large deficit in achievement levels which Muslims have encountered during the last 60 years or so. This has occurred mostly due to discriminatory practices followed by successive governments including the Congress governments both at the Centre and the many states. Sachar recommendations are sensitive to mainstreaming and...points to the areas in which discrimination has occurred and Muslims have suffered.”
Not mincing words in the criticism and apparent double standards of the government, Shariff said, “Pl(ease) note I am using the word discriminatory too frequently in this note but the Sachar report ...consciously avoided using this word, just to save the face of the government in power and we used some diplomacy; otherwise this report very clearly highlight the discriminatory practices. My new research is strong in highlighting how mainstreaming is not pursued by governments themselves and how public spaces are denied to minorities. Let the Minister come out with a strategy to bring diversity in public spaces (Schools, Universities, Urban Living spaces, government employment ...) which this ministry is silent about (for the) past five years.”
Smelling a political agenda behind questioning of Sachar by Salman Khursheed who is also a Congress politician from the state of Uttar Pradesh, Shariff said that if the statement was deliberate then it seemed that it was targeted at appeasing the majority community in the hope of getting their votes in the coming assembly elections in the state.

Sachar Controversy

Waqf Act dispute could be reason for Khurshid's Sachar antipathy
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Waqf-Act-dispute-could-be-reason-for-Khurshids-Sachar-antipathy/articleshow/9043945.cms
Times of India | 30th June, 2011 | Avantika Ghosh

NEW DELHI: Festering differences between the government and some sections of the Muslim community on the Sachar Committee recommendations on Waqf properties — especially the recommendation about a separate Waqf cadre — may have shaped the government's new-found disdain for the report, prompting minority affairs minister Salman Khursheed's provocative statement that Sachar recommendations are not "divine like Quran".

In a conversation with TOI, Khurshid conceded that the main point of divergence between the government and Sachar authors was the management of Waqf. "We have implemented 90% of the report but we're opposed to some recommendations like the Waqf cadre because we do not want to create a different world for the Muslim citizens of our country."

Khursheed's statement in Chennai questioning Sachar has elicited a strident reaction from economist Abusaleh Shariff, who was the secretary of the committee. In his strongly worded retort, Shariff makes no bones about his contention that Khursheed's statement is because of the heat he is facing on the Waqf issue. "Note that many ministers have told me that indeed the Sachar report is used as a bible for charting out pro-poor, pro-deprived and minority empowerment strategies," Shariff has written, scarcely mincing words in holding the Congress responsible for the "discrimination" practised against Muslims in India. He has called for an independent review of the "inclusive development reforms in India which have been undertaken post Sachar".

Shariff is offended that the minister chose to question the entire report merely based on his opposition to a small part of it. "We had said that there is no point in having senior officers with little knowledge of Muslim ways and the religion manage Waqf so there should be a separate cadre selected through a test. Government does not like the idea. But that does not give it any right to question an empirical research based report. Waqf after all is just one-twelfth of the report. What is wrong with making a suggestion?" a peeved Shariff asks.

Appointed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2005, the Rajinder Sachar Committee was a high-level committee for preparation of a report on the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community in India. The issue of Waqf has of late assumed greater proportions as there is proposal for amendment of the Waqf Act presently before the Rajya Sabha Select Committee and many Muslim organizations including the All India Muslim Personal Law Board have expressed their reservations on it in various forums.

Khurshid had also said in Chennai that blindly following the Sachar report may lead to short-term gains but in the long term would lead to further ghettoisation of the Muslim community. "Dr Shariff's statement gives away his own confusion. He did not speak to me before issuing it. But there is no disagreement about Sachar's emphasis on mainstreaming. I agree with 90% of the letter. What I do not agree with is his points on discrimination because there are historical and consequential reasons for it. We can sit down and talk about it."

Shariff had written: "The minister has a lot to answer as to how he will eliminate large deficit in achievement levels which Muslims have encountered during the last 60 years or so. This has occurred mostly due to discriminatory practices followed by successive government including Congress governments both at the Centre and in many states."

SACHAR CONTROVERSY

Dr. Shariff's Comments on a Recent Discourse by Sri. Salman Khursheed on Sachar Report

When a politician is cornered, this is how he will speak - unintelligent and illogical.

He is facing the heat and practically boiled in 100 degree centigrade on the Wakf issue. But his general direction that Muslims should get going on mainstreaming and reaching out to other departments is in fact Sachar Philosophy and directions. Note that many Minsters have told me that indeed Sachar Report is used as a Bible for charting out pro-poor, pro-deprived and minority empowerment strategies.

Note his (Salman Khursheed’s) comment on EQC - this is also Sachar recommendation, then how can he be so critical in the beginning, this is an example of double standards. Salman bhai will have a lot to explain.

The Minister has lot to answer as to how he will eliminate large deficit in achievement levels which Muslims have encountered during the last 60 years or so. This has occurred mostly due to discriminatory practices followed by successive governments including the CONGRESS governments both at the Centre and the many states. Sachar recommendations are sensitive to mainstreaming and as it does that, it points to the areas in which discrimination has occurred and Muslims have suffered.

The reservation practices in India are discriminatory and have almost removed Muslims from its ambit at the national level and most states. So are access to higher education and even primary schools. Public employment, the Centre is the most discriminatory. The banking sector has almost removed the Muslims from its programs. Note that I am using the word discriminatory too frequently in this note, but Sachar report - the committee consciously avoided using this word, just to save the face of the government in power and we used some diplomacy; otherwise this report very clearly highlight the discriminatory practices. My new research is strong in highlighting how mainstreaming is not pursued by governments themselves and how public spaces are denied to minorities. Let the Minister come out with a strategy to being diversity in public spaces (Schools, Universities, Urban Living spaces, government employment ......) which this ministry is silent about since past 5 years.

Note that I am marking a copy of this email to Salman bhai. I hope he will garner enough courage and seek support from his cabinet colleagues so as to officially sponsor a comprehensive evaluation of the 5-years after Sachar which will lay bare the truth. Note also that unintelligent reviews will begin appearing both in media and discourses during the next two years, and they will damage the credibility of the Congress Government. Therefore, it would be in the interest of the people of India, to come out with officially sponsored but independent review of the inclusive development reforms in India which have been undertaken during post Sachar.

I am also making this email to Just. Sachar and other members whose email I have retained in my address book.

*****************************


THE INDIAN EXPRESS FRONT PAGE STORY - June 28, 2011

http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/Khursheed-says-Sachar-report-not-Quran-sparks-off-war-of-words/809657/

Khursheed says Sachar report not Quran, sparks off war of words
Seema Chishti Posted: Jun 28, 2011 at 0301 hrs

New Delhi Minority Affairs Minister Salman Khursheed’s remarks in Chennai last week questioning the Sachar report’s recommendations and urging Muslims to think of national issues, not just their narrow interests, has set off a raging debate in the community.
Delivering a lecture, ‘Minorities of India: Issues and Challenges,’ at the Justice Basheer Ahmed Sayeed College for Women last Saturday, Khursheed said that the Sachar Committee Report was not the Quran which cannot be questioned. “The recommendations of Sachar Committee Report are not divine like (the) Quran; they can be wrong also and that’s why one must approach them critically,” he reportedly said.

In 2006, the PM’s High Level Committee, led by Justice (retd) Rajinder Sachar, had highlighted how Muslims trailed the rest of the country in almost all social indicators — from education to employment — and had recommended a set of reform measures. Sources said this is now being used as a benchmark by many Muslim advocacy groups and any questioning provokes a barrage of criticism.

No wonder then that the Minister’s remarks in Chennai have led Abu Saleh Shariff, economist and the high-profile Secretary of the Sachar Committee, to write an open letter to Khursheed — posted in an online discussion group, USIPI — ticking off the Congress at the Centre.

He criticizes the Minister for his comments urging Muslims to “mainstream” in an environment where they are discriminated against. He writes: “The Minister has a lot to answer as to how will he eliminate large deficit in achievement levels which Muslims have encountered during the last 60 years or so. This has occurred mostly due to discriminatory practices followed by successive governments including the Congress governments both at the Centre and the many states. Sachar recommendations are sensitive to mainstreaming and...points to the areas in which discrimination has occurred and Muslims have suffered.”

Shariff, who has been critical of the BJP and even Left-ruled states in the past, has written that “reservation” policy in India is discriminatory and keeps Muslims out of its ambit at the national level and in most states. “So are access to higher education and even primary schools. (On) public employment, the Centre is the most discriminatory. The banking sector has almost removed the Muslims from its programs.”

In something which may embarrass the government, he adds: “Pl(ease) note I am using the word discriminatory too frequently in this note but the Sachar report ...consciously avoided using this word, just to save the face of the government in power and we used some diplomacy; otherwise this report very clearly highlight the discriminatory practices. My new research is strong in highlighting how mainstreaming is not pursued by governments themselves and how public spaces are denied to minorities. Let the Minister come out with a strategy to bring diversity in public spaces (Schools, Universities, Urban Living spaces, government employment ...) which this ministry is silent about (for the) past five years.”

Shariff endorses the Minority Ministry’s view on the setting up of the Equal Opportunities Commission and says that it’s an idea based on Sachar’s recommendations.

Speaking to The Indian Express from Ranchi, Khursheed said that “several Sachar recommendations were being followed.” He said the debate is about how to approach the issue of helping Muslims. He underlined that he was against looking at just Muslims as the minority and not others.

“Exclusive delivery to Muslims as against ensuring equitable share amongst all citizens,” was not something he supported, he said. “In that context, I have requested a critical appraisal to ensure these are not used for ghettoization. It’s in this context that I said, for Muslims only the Quran cannot be questioned. All other books and documents are subject to critical scrutiny.”

When contacted, Sachar said: “As a matter of judicial propriety, I don’t comment on my report but Abu Saleh Shariff was a very learned and valued member of the committe

*************************


Salman Khursheed's Controversial Statements


Sachar report may lead to Muslims’ ghettoization, says Salman Khursheed | By Md. Ali, TwoCircles.net, New Delhi:

In an important development, marking a radical shift in the UPA government’s approach, from pre-Sachar to post-Sachar period, the Union Minister of Minorities Affairs Salman Khursheed has questioned, both the credibility of the Sachar report and blind acceptance of its recommendations.
Speaking at a function in Chennai on June 25, Khursheed said that “the recommendations of Sachar Committee Report are not divine like Quran; they can be wrong also and that’s why one must approach them critically.”
Khursheed was delivering a talk on ‘Minorities of India: Issues and Challenges,' at the Justice Basheer Ahmed Sayeed College for Women.
Explaining his point further Khursheed said, by critical approach he meant that the overall impact and benefits of Sachar report on Muslims must be analyzed before accepting the report in letter and spirit.
Cautioning the community from uncritical following of the Sachar report, Khursheed said that it might benefit the community in the short term but it could also lead to its further ghettoization which will be disastrous for the community in the long term as it will prevent the community’s mainstreaming.
The Rajinder Sachar Committee which appointed by the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India in March 2005, was a high level committee for preparation of a report on the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India.

Union Minister of Water Resources and Minorities Affairs, Salman Khurshid, speaking at a function, Moosa Raza, Chairman SIET Trust on extreme left
The Minister also advised the community not to expect and approach only the Minorities Affairs Ministry (MMA) because the MMA was supposed to cater to the needs of other minorities as well. He implied that the MMA can’t provide solution to each and every problem of Muslims. For some problems they need to approach other ministries as well. For instance Muslims, Khursheed said, should approach the Ministry of Human Resources and Development (MHRD), which had a budget 10 times bigger than that of his ministry.
“The Minorities Affairs Ministry has only Rs 5,000 crore as its budget. If the community is dependent on only this ministry it will be devoid of funds from other ministries like the Ministry of Human Resources Development which has funds of more than Rs 65,000 crore. Moreover, this ministry doesn’t cater only to Muslims,” he added.
Khursheed wanted the Ministry of Minority Affairs to evolve into Ministry for Equal Opportunities, “Once the Equal Opportunities Commission, which was recommended by Sachar report, is finalized we may actually start thinking of a new structure of the ministry,” he added.
Cautioning the Muslim community of limiting themselves only to the community centered issues, Khursheed also exhorted them to think on larger issues like corruption, human rights and Naxalism.
“Why are Muslims silent on the Lokpal issue or on the issue of freedom for Binayak Sen,” he asked.
Khursheed a politician from the North Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, praised the works done by the community leaders in South in areas of education. He appealed the Muslims of south India to migrate and bridge the north-south divide by opening up quality institutions in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Assam.
Talking about the performance of the MMA on pre and post-Matric scholarship, Khursheed said that last year the MMA disbursed 44 lakh scholarships in the pre-matric, five lakh in post-matric categories and 750 PhD scholarships. In the coming year, the MMA will issue 60 lakh matric and post matric and 1,400 PhD scholarships in the coming year.
Importantly the Minister said that, the Central government was contemplating on universalisation of the scholarship with every child qualifying for a scholarship getting it.

Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill

Download a draft copy of - Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011.

http://www.nac.nic.in/communal/com_bill.htm

Any comments, suggestions, revisions, and objections received before June 10, 2011 will be forwarded to the NAC sub group for consideration - send comments directly to the NAC and mark a copy to salehshariff@ymail.com

Indian Caste Census-2011

How will it affect the Muslims?

A Cabinet press release titled ‘Methodology for conducting the Below Poverty Line Census and Enumeration of Castes’, dated 19-May, 2011 has set December 2011 as the target date to complete the census exercise. This hybrid Census of the BPL and the Caste would be conducted by the Ministry of Rural Development in association with the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation (HUPA) and the Registrar General of India (RGI) and expected to be completed by December 2011. However, the so called methodology for the caste census is only a single line statement – ‘The enumeration of castes will also be done simultaneously along with the BPL census’.

The announcement about the BPL census is welcome, although there are many methodological controversies in terms of a methodology and variables which will be used to identify the poor. What is underplayed and not adequately highlighted in this cabinet note is the fact that the Caste Census will be undertaken for the first time since the Independence. Such data are likely to be used in determining and revising the cast and class linked quotas in national and state government jobs, admissions in educational institutions such as in colleges and universities and access to targeted social services. The caste census is being conducted without adequate methodological and analytical preparedness and since caste, class and religious identities have complex inter-relationships there will be ramifications which will be difficult to resolve in future. In the following therefore, is a brief discussion as to how will the caste census affect the Muslim community of India.

Muslims in India is a highly diverse community; while adopting the diversity emerging from the Islamic religion such as the Sunni, Shia, Bhora, Agakhani and so on; many also carried along the respective identity from the Hindu caste system even after their conversion. The social structure, therefore, amongst the Muslims is complex, and it further gets accentuated by cultural difference emanating from language and region/state of domical. For example, only about 40% of Muslims report Urdu as mother tongue. There are millions of Muslims who speak Bengali, Malayalam, Telugu, Kannada, Marathi, Gujarati, Punjabi and so on as their mother tongue. Of course due to dominance of Urdu in the northern parts of India especially in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, Muslims do not report Hindi as their mother tongue and they intend to do so in future as well. Muslims besides being highly diverse are experiencing uniformly deep levels of deprivation in various social, educational and economic facets of life across all the states in India.

The collection of caste data has emerged from certain political corners and is expected to provide structured information so as to allocate or enhance respective shares in reservations for the SCs, the STs and the OBCs. The Indian Caste Census (ICC-2011) is likely to trigger a drive for Indian citizens of all castes and communities to get enrolled into deprived categorizations and this process can be labled as Competitive Backwardness. In case of Muslims there is an inherent complication; in spite of the presence of dalit type identity (being converts from erstwhile Hindu dalits) and their desire to report as such, the census enumerators may not recognize such reporting due to the ‘Census Filtering Procedures’ adopted during the canvassing. Since constitutionally there is a pre-existing- codified list for the SCs and STs, the ICC-2011 will use it. The procedures will authenticate the categorization as the SCs only when the reported religion is Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist. Therefore, all those Muslims who have dalit type identities will be excluded from being identified as the SCs. Similar situation may occur in case of Christians as well. Note also that there is a pending case of judgment in this regard in the Supreme Court of India.

The Census will also collect data on selected economic and education indicators and asset ownership so as to categorize households / people into the ‘below poverty line’ or ‘above poverty line’ status. Such data along with religion and caste are expected to be used to compute the relative backwardness or forwardness of a caste group; which will have ramifications in determining the eligibility to jobs and higher level educational admissions under the quota system. In the following is a discussion as how the misclassified Caste data will not only be detrimental to the social, economic and educational development of the Muslim community in India; but also becomes stumbling block in the efforts of mainstreaming of the Muslims community in Indian economic and social spaces.

As mentioned earlier a pre-determined list will be used to identify the SCs and STs for any given geographic or administrative area; as they have guarantee and authentication under the seal of the Indian constitution since the Independence. The OBC categorisation on the other hand, is a post-Mandal scheme and supported only through government orders. The demands for ICC-2011 were made by caste groups which can be grouped as the OBCs (other backward classes). Will the ICC-2011 be based on Mandal Commission list of OBCs? The Census Commissioner during a meeting recently clarified that the Mandal Commission list will not be used during the ICC-2011. However, it will be helpful if at the outset central and independent state level lists of the OBCs are finalized and used before canvassing the ICC-2011.

Lessons can be drawn from the OBC reporting status during the NSS surveys collected annually. The NSSO 61 round data for the reference year 2004-5 suggests that only about 26% of all Hindus are considered as the High Castes or socio-economically better offs; whereas, about 60% of Muslims fall into the non-OBC and thus socio-economically better off category. This is because none from the Muslims are classified under the SCs/STs category and all such Muslims with the SC / ST identity could actually be listed as the high castes / class. This is a serious problem and an anomaly which must be addressed before any major effort to collect castes data in India.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Caste / Class Classification and Proportions of Hindus and Muslims in India
(Estimates from NSS Surveys)

Religion-------SCs+STs-------OBCs-------All Others /(High Caste/Class)
Hindus----------31.3---------42.8---------26
Muslims----------1.3---------39.2---------59.5
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: Extracts from the Sachar Report


What should be done?

In view of these facts it is recommended:
1. That the Cast Census should be undertaken only after the pending Supreme Court judgment in the matter of the recognition of the presence of ‘dalit’ type identities amongst the Muslims and Christens in India is decided.

2. Now that the ICC-2011 is announced and a certainty beginning June-2011, the Muslims who intend to report their castes as dalits / SCs / STs, should do as they wish. The ICC-2011 enumerators should be instructed to collect this information as reported and not to filter out caste reporting linked to religion. Note that, practically all Muslims in India are converts and are hardly any original Muslims who migrated from out of erstwhile Indian territory now reside in India. Further, it is historically documented that most of those converted to Islam belong to low castes such as the dalits and the tribes. The ‘Sachar Committee’ (2006) on status of Muslims in India has also clearly revealed the distressing socio-economic and educational conditions of Muslims which are closer to the levels recorded for the SCs and STs belonging to the Hindu Community.

3. It will be almost impossible to prepare a list of Muslim caste/class for classifying them as Muslim-OBCs. Therefore, a ‘list of exclusion’ can be prepared so as to determine the social forwardness or backwardness of a large section of Muslims who are not reported themselves as the SC or ST. Such list of exclusion can be prepared for each state separately after consultations with the state level Muslim intellectuals and religious bodies. Thus, once a list of exclusion is prepared, all other Muslims who do not belong to this list can be identified as the “Muslim OBCs”.

'The Muslims Political Awakening

'The Muslims have awakened' | Rediff.com » News »
May 21, 2011 01:33 IST

http://www.rediff.com/news/report/the-muslims-have-awakened/20110521.htm

In the recently-concluded state elections, a new alarming trend has come to the fore. In Assam and Kerala, it looks like the Muslim community's votes have polarised towards religious outfits.The All India United Democratic Front in Assam and The Muslim League in Kerala secured good number of votes, leaving analysts to conclude that the Muslim electorate voted towards Muslim-oriented outfits.

In this interview with rediff.com, member-secretary of the Rajinder Sachar Committee on the status of Muslims, Abusaleh Shariff explains the trend, its reasons and ways to reverse it.

Interviewed by Sahim Salim in New Delhi

In the recently concluded elections, Muslims seem to have voted along community lines in two states. Can you elaborate on this developement?
A. Well, it has been happening for a long time in Kerala. The Muslim League has been in existence since independence, so it has a historical legacy. Some political parties may not like the fact that it has the word 'Muslim' in it, but it is a recognised political party.
On the outset, I want to state that I am happy with the fact that the Muslims have awakened. I reiterate, awakened. I am aware through election results analysts that the share of Muslim electorate has been diminishing over the history of elections in India.
This means that Muslims were going out of the mainstream political system. This was not a good sign for the Muslims and the democracy because Muslims are the largest minority.
In these state elections, the emergence of the Muslim electorate is a good sign. I want more and more Muslims to come out in large numbers to exercise their democratic rights. That they are being polarised is another story.

Can this development be categorised as a trend?
Yes, it could be. I will tell you why. Mamta Bannerjee won in West Bengal and she was wholeheartedly supported by the Muslims in the state. Now if Mamta's policies do not include Muslims in it, then another Muslim oriented party can spring up there, which will then polarise on the Muslim vote-bank in the state.

In a secular and heterogeneous democracy such as ours, what is the meaning of such a development?
My democratic vision for this secular country is that Muslims should not be polarised in such a manner. They should be included and they should participate in mainstream politics.
I don't want a separate school, a separate minority development corporation etc. These are all notional; they don't produce any welfare products; it is just a waste of money. The government sustains these kind of institutions because of pressure. They only feed a handful of influential people.

What do you think are the reasons for Muslims to vote in favor of religious parties in Kerala and Assam?
When the mainstream political parties do not ask the Muslim community to be a part of the mainstream political system, then they don't get to exercise their identity. After all, being a Muslim is an identity.
In spite of the Sachar Committee report that came out five years ago, neither the state nor the central governments have taken it seriously. They have not addressed the problem of exclusion of Muslims in public spaces.
That is the reason why there is relatively more polarisation towards Muslim-oriented parties. Muslims think that through these parties, politically at least, they can make a claim in lieu of capacity to influence policies.
When I was in the Sachar Committee, what I noticed was that in most of the public spaces created by the system, Muslims were not getting their share. Every chapter in the committee report says that they are not a part of these spaces as much as they should be. So what is the solution for that?
They created special purpose vehicles for Muslims, which I am not for. I want a share for the Muslims in the mainstream institutions, which has declined over a period of time. The mainstream political parties should make spaces for them within the party. It will be easier for political decision making.

Do you think that the so-called religious political parties will truly represent Muslims' demands in mainstream politics?
Look, this is not a religious-oriented civil society. They are political parties and will have to participate in the nation building. But the point is that India constitutes of 1.3 billion people, out of which 1 billion are Hindus.
Unfortunately, despite the cultural divides amongst the Hindus, the Bharatiya Janata Party has put a seed of divide between Hindus and Muslims. This kind of polarisation is a result of what the BJP did 20 years ago. Although the BJP is trying to mellow down, the Muslim community is reacting.
See, through these religious parties, what the Muslim communities hope to achieve is representation in the mainstream. But unfortunately, in that case, what happens is that these demands will be made in a religious oriented manner, which is not healthy in a democratic setup.
Do you think these religious parties are just banking on religious votes, rather than in reality having a religious agenda?
I am not sure of that. But I think that we Muslims, being from the minority, have a strong desire to protect our identity. I don't call that a Muslim agenda, but rather an agenda to protect our identity. We need a place in nation building too.

Mainstream secular political parties have tried to woo Muslim votes in both states. Does this mean that the current policies and approaches adopted by these parties have failed?
What you have to understand is that the mainstream political parties have worked very hard to win their elections. Whether you like it or not, democracy is about numbers.
I am aware of the compulsion of mainstream parties to bring winning candidates. But my point is that they should use other institutions like delimitation commission.
For example in West Bengal, there will be 100 constituencies where Muslims might have a winning edge. Identity politics also works in secular parties, but these constituencies will also have Hindus, so in a secular party, even if the candidate is a Muslim, you will get Hindu votes as well.
The elected representative is going to be the leader of the Hindus and Muslims in the area. That is where inclusion comes. A Muslim getting elected should not be seen as a Muslim leader, but rather a leader.
Dr Manmohan Singh is seen as a leader and not a Sikh leader. Similarly, Muslims standing up to represent a constituency should not be labeled a religious leader.

This development, in itself, is alarming. How can we reverse such a development keeping the secular idea of the state in mind?
I won't call it alarming. But yes, voting based on identity and community is bad. Mainstream is the answer. Negotiation and partnership should be included.
Do you know why Muslim vote was polarised in Assam? The Congress leaders did not even allow Muslims to come near them for partnership. In Kerala, Muslim League fractions came together, so Muslim vote got consolidated.
My argument is not against the Muslims or Muslim parties. I ask of the government to change policies. They should open up public spaces for Muslims. It is because they have not, that Muslim polarisation is taking place.

What do you think are the key issues that Muslims want represented, which are not being focused on by secularist political parties?
Political empowerment. In 2006, Sachar Committee brought the fact that Muslims are not participating as much as they should in public spaces. The Sachar Committee told the government that more political representation is needed atleast at the grass-root level.
Don't make them members of Parliament and members of legislative assembly. Make them part of the Panchayat and Municipality atleast.
We need these small changes because these are the ways that we interpret what matters. In Sachar Committee report, it is highlighted that in Muslim concentrated areas, schools are less.
So where do they go, other that Madrassas? When we talk of welfare of Muslims, they talk of Madrassa reforms. Why Madrassa reforms, I ask, why not schools?

NDTV Video on Skills and Employment

Use this link for a Video on Employment and Skill development in India

http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/money-mantra/india-s-crying-need-for-skill-development/199058

TOI-report on Recent Elections

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Muslims-voting-along-community-lines-worrying/articleshow/8404114.cms

Gujarat Shining Story?

Gujarat is one of the large states in India known for sustained levels of development. ‘Gujarties’ the people of Gujarat so identified - rings a bell! in imagination as enterprising people with an edge to manage and invest money in businesses and enhance savings. These Gujarati attributes are not new, rather age old; and developed over centuries especially due to their easy contact with the travelling business men from all over the world at the Indian west-coast. No wonder then that Gujarat is one of the few states where income earning opportunities have always been better and praiseworthy. Notwithstanding, such a relative advantage in income growth, it is useful to review how Gujarat is faring in other measures of standard of living such as poverty, human development, hunger and so on. Further, it is also instructive to review as to how various socio-religious communities living in Gujarat are placed in a relative perspective and are they getting the benefit of higher growth experience in Gujarat.

Multiple data especially those from the National Accounts (NAS), The Reserve Bank of India, National Sample Survey Organization, the Human Development Survey of the National Council of Applied Economic Research and the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee (Sachar Committee) report are used in this analysis. The FDI information according to main centers of investments is drawn from ministries of Commerce and industry. This review explores, firstly the relative development of Gujarat, followed by the Socio-religious differentials in standard of living within the State.

Per Capita Net State Domestic Product (PCNSDP): Per capita SDP or income is used as an indicator and measure of economic prosperity. Gujarat is a well-off State, figuring among the top ten in terms of per capita State Domestic Product since long. A review of triennium averages in constant prices since the 1970s suggest that Gujarat has been occupying 6th or 7th positions most of the last four decade excepting mid-1996 when it was at the 4th position. For the year 2007-08 and in terms of current prices, Gujarat had an income of Rs. 45, 773, but Haryana with an annual per capita income of Rs. 59,008 tops the list followed by Punjab, Maharashtra and Kerala. Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh are a notch below in the vicinity of Gujarat competing to climb up. Note that the relative ranking can also change with a lacklustre performance of other states as opposed to a better performance of a state under review. Overall the economic status of Gujarat has been stable and relatively on the higher side at least since last four decades. Thus the Gujarat growth story measured in terms of macro economic indicator is not new; rather it is an old one. It is now worthwhile to investigate the state performance in qualitative dimensions such as poverty, hunger, human development and social equity.


Hunger: Gujarat surprisingly emerges as a State with high levels of hunger , while simultaneously boasting high per capita income and consistent income stability. Disturbingly Gujarat's hunger levels are high alongside Orissa and Bihar, with only Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh having higher hunger levels. Punjab, Kerala and Haryana (in whose league Gujarat was placed in terms of per capita NSDP), are very progressive measured by levels of hunger having least hungry population. Even Uttar Pradesh has registered lower levels of hunger compared with Gujarat. This paradox, for example, is explained by the fact that state such as Uttar Pradesh has vast areas under multi-cropping cultivation cycle with the blessing of the perennial supply of water from the mighty river Gaga. This ensures that in spite of UP’s population being poor, they are at least minimally fed. Incomes are more evenly spread in Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Uttar Pradesh in fact fares a notch above even Tamil Nadu and West Bengal in having lower hunger; but Gujarat is much above all these states in having relatively higher incidence of hunger. Further Rajasthan has also recorded lower levels of hunger compared to Gujarat and this appears to be due to pro-poor state policies. Therefore, this analysis gives credence to the fact that Gujarat is a state where the rich-poor disparities are far greater relatively speaking.

Income, Poverty and Human Development Linkages: Generally one finds a positive association between income and poverty (lower poverty), and human development (higher); and that the association with the latter being much stronger. Higher position in human development ranking relative to poverty is an evidence of pro-people welfare state. One finds such an association in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, West Bengal and even Orissa, which has higher HDI ranking compared with respective ranking in per capita income and poverty about the second half of 2000s in the ranking undertaken for 19 major states. On the other hand Gujarat has recorded relatively lower level of human development ranking compared with its poverty ranking – while in latter 2000s it tops at 6th level in income, but is places one level lower in poverty (that is higher poverty relative to income) but ranked 9th in HDI, far too low which is unexpected. The higher income levels must yield better human development, generally speaking as people will be in a better position to make investments in education, health and wellbeing. Orissa which reveals high levels of poverty performs better on the HDI; in fact it shows resilience in improving HDI at its own level of development and poverty. Further, one notice that the relative ranking of Gujarat in incidence of poverty and human development has declined between the mid 1990s and latter part of 2000s.

When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) was evaluated, Gujarat is found to be the bottom of the list of large Indian states. In fact Rajasthan is at the top, followed by Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Tamil Nadu.

Levels of Foreign Direct Investments
Recent reports place Gujarat as a favorite destination of the ‘foreign direct investments (FDI). There is a considerable hype about such investments and reports that large amounts of foreign, often NRI linked, investments in Gujarat abound. A review of the past performance of the FDIs does not support such a finding. The region / state specific FDI data provided by the ‘department of industrial policy and development’ suggests that the size of cumulative inflows from January 2000 to March 2010 has been highest in Maharashtra with 1.75 lakh crores, followed by New Delhi at 1.02 lakh crore. Even the state of Karnataka has received 31 thousand crores which is higher than the FDI in Gujarat only with 28 thousand crores. The FDI line up continues with Tamil Nadu, (Rs. 25 thousand crores), Andhra Pradesh (Rs. 21 thousand crores) and Kolkata having received a meager 6 thousand crores.

Thus Gujarat is a game for playing the “the politics of development” and no one is caring to assess if such tall claims have any truth behind them. Hype and hoopla built around foreign direct investment (FDI) in Gujarat is a lie. Gujarat can be considered a hunting ground "for NRI and corporate politics", and that "the FDI hype" is designed to facilitate tax subsidies, cheap licensing, under-priced land and low royalty payments to the investors. Often the politics works in such a way that Gujarat is used as a platform for corporate negotiations and investments in other states. Investments announced in Gujarat appear largely promises, as the real amount invested is found to be a fraction of the amount promised due to practical reasons.
Nonetheless, Gujarat does have some positive features; over 90 percent paved roads to villages, 98 percent electrified villages with 80 percent electrified homes and 18 hours of electricity everyday, 86 percent piped water supply and better phone connections, banks, post offices, bus connection compared to other states. Agricultural extension work, too, is better than in other states. But amid all this, poverty, hunger and lack of sense of security thrive.

The large scale representative sample data available from the NSSO and the NCAER’s human development surveys and information from the Sachar Committee report are used to assess poverty and human development amongst the socio-religious groups within Gujarat with a focus on Muslims. Poverty amongst the urban Muslims is eight times (800%) more than high-caste Hindus, about 50% more than the Hindu-OBCs and the SCs/STs. Note that over 60% of all Gujarati Muslims live in urban areas and they are most deprived social group in Gujarat. On the other hand rural poverty amongst the Muslims is two times (200%) more than high caste Hindus. Gujarat unlike a few other large states has not provided any specified quota in employment and higher education for the Muslims. While Muslims have bank accounts proportionate to the size of population, the bank loan amount outstanding which is an indicator of financial inclusion is only 2.6 percent. Muslims are also found to be soft targets for petty thefts and harassment of girls compared to other communities.

Education: Educationally Muslims are the most deprived community in Gujarat. Despite 75% net enrolment, about similar levels compared with the SCs/STs and other groups; the Muslims are deprived at the level of matriculation and higher levels. A mere 26% reach matriculation whereas this proportion for 'others except SCs/ STs is 41%. The SCs/STs fare about the same on this count. Amongst the Muslims a large dropout takes place at about 5th standard. A disturbing trend was noticed in case of education at the level of graduation. Muslims, who had about the same level of education in the past, are found to have left behind compared with even the SCs/STs who have caught up with higher education. Startling is the fact that the in recent years it is high caste Hindus who have benefitted most from the public provisioning of higher education and the SCs/STs are catching up and the Muslims are left behind. The disparity in access to higher education is increasing over time. This clearly is an evidence of discrimination in provisioning of higher education access, infrastructure and related services.
To overcome the Muslim deficit in different levels of education, the central government has launched a nationwide scholarship scheme with effect from April 1, 2008. All states have responded favorably, with the only exception of Gujarat which has not implemented even the pre-matric scholarships for minorities. There are 55,000 scholarships allocated to Gujarat of which 53,000 are to be given to the deserving Muslims, but Gujarat not even cared to implement this program.

Employment: The work participation rate is a common measure of employment; in Gujarat, this is 10% lower for Muslims at 61% compared to the Hindus who have a ratio of 71%. Gujarat has higher unemployment rates for Muslims compared to say West Bengal. Importantly, the Muslims traditionally are artisan and skilled workers, have relative advantage in handling mechanical and tool work; therefore they are employed as industrial labour in considerable proportion in manufacturing and organized industry. In most States, Muslims form a higher percentage of the workforce in manufacturing and the organised sector compared to Hindus and it is only in Gujarat, the reverse is true.

Manufacturing and organised sector including public employment: There was a time when Muslims dominated the state's textile industry in power loams, textile mills and handlooms; and in diamond cutting and polishing industry not to speak of chemical, pharmaceutical and processing industries. But now Muslims barely make it to the workforce in the manufacturing and organized sector in Gujarat. While at an all-India level, Muslims share in this sector is 21%, in Gujarat it is merely 13, much lesser than Maharashtra at 25 and West Bengal at 21. Note that Muslims generally have better employment amongst the state level public sector enterprises across India. It is only in Gujarat that Muslims not have access to organized and public sector (including PUSs) employment when compared to other communities and other states of India. This finding was counter-checked by a second set of data in a multivariate analysis. The fact that Muslims do not draw income from the formal organized (including public employment) sectors is negative, large and highly significant; this is the only community which records this negative and significant coefficients. Generally, there is a reference to the Sachar report pointing to the fact that Muslims are indeed present in substantial proportion (compared with other states such as West Bengal, UP etc) in government employment in Gujarat. Yes this is so and it may be noted that such employment has taken placed during the last 5 decades or so, these are not recent appointments. Gujarat government must come forward to publish figures as to how many Muslims have been appointed in government employment during the last 5-10 years in employment categories such as group A to group D and in the state PSUs.
Petty Trade and Self-Employment: Gujarat also shows a wider gap between Muslims and Hindus in petty trade and self-employment. Fifty-four per cent of Muslims as opposed to 39 per cent of Hindus are self-employed in the State. The gap is much lower in West Bengal, where 53 per cent of Muslims are self-employed as against 45 per cent of Hindus. Compared to other States and compared to Hindus, larger share of Muslims in Gujarat are self-employed or undertake petty trade. This disparity is compounded by the fact that compared to other sectors; self-employment and petty trade has shown only a marginal income growth during the last two decades in comparison to other sectors of the economy. Further, at least in Gujarat the FDIs and public investments are channelled into the organized sector where Muslims do not get employed - thus metaphorically speaking, Muslims in Gujarat face a situation - ‘between the hard rock and the sea’.

Safety and Security: The human development survey of the NCAER canvassed a few questions which relate to the safety and security of citizens. All respondents were asked to assess the condition of village and neighborhood conflict. Further, any experience and occurrence of ‘theft/burglary’ and ‘harassment of adolescent girls’ was also recorded for the reference year.
It is instructive to note Gujarat is one of those high village/neighborhood conflict states, next only to Uttar Pradesh (82 percent) and Uttrakhand; but on par with West Bengal at 63%. However, since this is a societal level factor, the inter-community differentials were found to be low – which means irrespective of the community one belongs to, they had similar exposure to neighborhood/village conflict which is rather very high in Gujarat.

But one notices considerably large inter-community variation in the household experience in theft/burglary and particularly the Muslim households in rural Gujarat with a very high share of (35%) households reporting such occurrence, while their share of households was only 5%. All other communities have reported lower levels. In urban areas also this share was 13% compared with only 11% households. While information on who are the performers of such crimes is not available, what is important to highlight is the fact that Muslims are easy targets and are vulnerable for such crimes in the rural areas of Gujarat. In case of the occurrence of harassment and threat of girls, 17% urban Muslims households reported such an occurrence which is considerably higher relative to their share in the households. The only other community having higher share of harassment of girls is the SCs in rural areas - with 34% households reporting 39% of such events.

Conclusions: Gujarat indeed is one of the richer states always in league with the top ten state of India in terms of per capita national state domestic product. But if alternative measures are evaluated which reflect hunger, social development and human development, relatively speaking Gujarat is underperformer. Further, within the state, when socio-religious group differentials are assessed one finds deep-rooted poverty and income inequality amongst Gujarat’s lower castes and Muslims relative to other groups. The latter, in particular, fare poorly on parameters of poverty, hunger, education and vulnerability on security issues; nowhere benefiting from the feel good growth story painted by the current governance of the state.
There indeed exists a deep-rooted poverty and income inequality in Gujarat. Putting the Muslim situation in this larger framework, the empirical evidence suggests that relative to other states and relative to other communities, Muslims in Gujarat are facing high levels of discrimination and deprivation.

References

Reserve Bank of India (RBI) online database (http://www.rbi.org.in ).

Government of India (2009), “Report of the Expert Group to Review the Methodology for Estimation of Poverty", Planning Commission, New Delhi.

Abusaleh Shariff (2009),”Hunger and Malnutrition in India: Concepts and Indexing”, IFPRI/NCAER, Mimio.

United Nations Development Programme (2010), “HUMAN Development Report”, UNDP, Palgrave Macmillan.

Sonal Desai, Amaresh Dubey, B.L. Joshi, Mitali Sen, Abusaleh Shariff and Reeve Vannaman, (2010) India Human Development Report: at the Beginning of the Millennium, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

Abusaleh Shariff and Maithreyi Krishnaraj eds, (2007), State, Markets and Human Development, New Delhi: Orient Longman Press, PP i-xxiv,784.

Government of India (2006). Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India, a report of the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, New Delhi: Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India, November 2006; i-xx, PP 404.


 

Bina Roy memorial Lecture

May 14, 2011 : Gave Dr. Bina Roy memorial Lecture on 'Gender Empowerment : Evidence and Policy', organised by University Women's Association of Delhi, Platinum Jubilee hall at 6, Bhagwan Das Road, New Delhi - 110 001.

FRONTLINE : May. 07-20, 2011 on Gujarat

Volume 28 - Issue 10 :: May. 07-20, 2011
Vol:28 Iss:10 URL: http://www.flonnet.com/fl2810/stories/20110520281000400.htm

Haunted by the past
ON April 22, 2011, the ladies' wing of the Southern Gujarat Chamber of Commerce and Industry organised a women entrepreneurs' exhibition in Surat, where Hindi film actor Sherlyn Chopra was one of the guests. Speaking on the sidelines of the programme, the actor gushed that Chief Minister “Narendra Modi is the most dynamic person” she had “ever met”, and “given a chance” she “would like to be his personal assistant”. Sherlyn Chopra went on to add that Modi spoke with style and confidence and that he spoke all the time about progress and a shining India.
Other Modi fans, including many in the blogosphere, picked up the actor's statement to come up with laudatory comments highlighting how a range of personalities from different strata of society, from anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare to actor Sherlyn Chopra, were endorsing Modi, his politics and his style of functioning. The thematic premise of all this commendation was “Modi's commitment to progress and development”.
However, news that emerged that evening from New Delhi once again drew attention to certain areas of Modi's political personality that go beyond “commitment to progress and development”. The news was about the affidavit filed by a senior Gujarat police officer, Sanjiv Rajendra Bhatt, in the Supreme Court, accusing Modi of instigating Hindus in 2002 to “teach a lesson” to Muslims. This instigation, the affidavit asserted, preceded the genocide of Muslims in the State. Naturally, this served to bring down the excitement Chopra's praise generated.

MOBS ON THE rampage in a street in Ahmedabad on February 28, 2002.
This sequence of events, which unfolded over a period of around eight hours, signified a roller coaster of sorts for the Modi image. This is not the first time Modi has found himself in such a situation. Time and again, the Gujarat Chief Minister and his supporters have sought to underplay or even obliterate his association with the 2002 carnage and present him as the “leader who created a new, progress-oriented Gujarat, which is waiting to be replicated at the national level under his consummate leadership”. Such has been the force of the campaign that it packs sustained assertions that even large sections of the Muslim minority community are now Modi supporters on account of his development initiatives.
It is not as though this campaign has not had its successes. It has indeed spread far and wide, particularly among a section of the urban middle class. Despite all that, Modi's role in the 2002 carnage has come back to haunt him and his Hindutva-oriented political organisation repeatedly in one forum or the other. The unambiguous message from each of these episodes has been that Modi and his party will find it impossible to live down the Gujarat carnage however much they may try.
In fact, references to the carnage have come up most forcefully when Modi and his supporters have sought to advance the “development man” image aggressively. The BJP's National Executive meeting held in Patna in June 2010 is a case in point. A number of his close supporters had earmarked this conclave as the starting point of an aggressive campaign to project him as the prime ministerial candidate of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA). As part of this campaign, advertisements were placed in several newspapers in Bihar extolling Modi's governance skills and personal virtues. These hailed him as a model administrator whose record in Gujarat was worthy of emulation in Bihar and the rest of the country. The message was clear: here is your future Prime Minister.
One advertisement made a special reference to Gujarat's contribution towards relief work for the victims of the floods in the Kosi river and went on to suggest that Modi had taken care to wipe Bihar's tears too when the State suffered.
Another full page advertisement had the picture of Muslim girls in burqas working on computers and the slogan that the Muslim community in Gujarat was advancing much faster than in other parts of India. Barely a day after the publication of the advertisement, it was revealed that the picture was actually taken from a college in Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh.
IN A REFUGEE camp at Bapu Nagar in Ahmedabad in March 2002.
Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar made his displeasure clear at what was going on. He perceived the advertisement relating to the Kosi floods as a direct affront and a challenge to his own administrative skills. As regards the advertisement with the picture of Muslim girls, he lampooned it as a third-rate gimmick. The Janata Dal (United) leader even went to the extent of cancelling the dinner he had planned in honour of his NDA ally's leadership. A couple of days later Nitish Kumar also returned to the Gujarat government the Rs.5 crore grant it had given for flood relief.
Nitish Kumar followed this up with instructions that Modi should not come to campaign in Bihar during the Assembly elections, which were held in October-November 2010. His contention was that Modi's presence would alienate the considerable Muslim support base that the JD(U) had in the State. He also highlighted the advertisement trick using a photograph of Muslim girls to buttress his argument. Ultimately, Modi and the BJP were forced to comply with this direction.
Modi's anti-minority image once again came into sharp focus during the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) inquiry into the Sohrabuddin Sheikh Murder case and particularly after the July 2010 arrest of Amit Shah, his trusted associate and the then Minister of State for Home. Shah was the first Minister to be arrested in the country in a case of fake encounter.
Revelations that a senior Minister of Modi's Cabinet had allegedly taken part in organising an encounter killing of a small-time criminal and his wife, who had no role in any crime, brought back memories of the 2002 carnage and Modi's alleged complicity in it.
All these developments, which signified the return of the 2002 carnage as a major point of discussion in the polity, did cause problems and place impediments in the assiduous image-building exercise that Modi and his associates undertook.
The latest in this series, Sanjiv Bhatt's affidavit, delineates Modi's alleged complicity in the 2002 carnage in concrete terms. Social activists who have tried to bring justice to the victims and survivors of the carnage over the past nine years believe that Bhatt's affidavit will impart greater strength to the legal points against Modi with regard to his alleged involvement in the carnage.
Call of conscience
Social activist Teesta Setalvad, who has been in the forefront of efforts to bring justice to the riot victims and survivors, points out that from time to time conscientious people have decided to end their silence on the carnage and come out with what they know. “Bhatt's action also needs to be seen in this light, she told Frontline (see interview).

At a broader level, the revelations that have harked back to the 2002 carnage have also underlined the general anti-Muslim thrust of the politics and policies of Narendra Modi and his government. Bhatt's affidavit has brought into sharp focus this thrust. An important point of discussion has been a recent study on “Relative Development of Gujarat and Socio-Religious Differentials” carried out by Dr Abusaleh Shariff, Chief Economist of the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) and member-secretary of the Sachar Committee, which prepared a comprehensive report on the state of Muslims in the country.
Shariff's study points out that Gujarat's Muslims fare badly on parameters of poverty, hunger, education and vulnerability on security issues. According to the study, levels of hunger are as high in Gujarat as they are in Orissa and Bihar. It also points out that the poverty of Gujarat's Muslims is eight times more than that of high-caste Hindus and 50 per cent more than that of Other Backward Class (OBC) communities. Twelve per cent of the Muslims have bank accounts, but only 2.6 per cent get bank loans.
Discrimination
The study also states that Muslims in Gujarat face high levels of discrimination, even in their enrolment for the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS). In the context of this study, questions have also been raised about Gujarat's claims about vibrant growth in other areas such as infrastructure development and industrialisation.

In the midst of all this, Modi and his associates have sought to launch a strong counter-attack against Bhatt, highlighting the senior police officer's alleged misdemeanours in service. Central to this counter-attack are certain official proceedings against Sanjiv Bhatt, which allege a recruitment scam while he was chairman of a district police recruitment board.
It is pointed out that Bhatt was charge-sheeted on December 12, 2010, as part of a departmental inquiry into police recruitment that took place in May 1996. It is also pointed out that through a “Confidential” Memorandum, the Home Department had served a show-cause notice on Bhatt on December 29, 2010. A case that came up against him in Rajasthan is also highlighted as part of the counter-attack. It involves allegations by a section of lawyers of Rajasthan that Bhatt had falsely implicated one of their colleagues in a narcotics case in 1996. Bhatt was charge-sheeted in this case by the Rajasthan Police's Crime Branch before a trial court in Jodhpur on April 13, 2000. The IPS officer's appeal against the charges is pending before the Supreme Court.
The argument of the BJP leadership, as also Modi's supporters, is that Bhatt has sought to implicate Modi in the 2002 carnage only to cover up his own culpability in many cases and escape punishment. “In any case, an officer who has been thus implicated and charge-sheeted has no moral authority to raise charges against the Chief Minister. We are sure that his affidavit will not stand up to a good judicial scrutiny,” Prakash Javadekar, BJP spokesperson, told Frontline.
Notwithstanding such assertions, the fact remains that the return of the ghost of the 2002 Gujarat carnage signifies yet another round of political battles and legal wrangling for the BJP, and particularly for Narendra Modi, who continues to cherish an elevation to the top leadership in national politics before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.
This article was written by VENKITESH RAMAKRISHNAN in New Delhi
For Frontline Magazine